BULLET’S and BULLIE’S
Under courtesy; Mr. Johar Bugtti
and Prof. Zaffar Bugtti – London
British
and Baloches - Murder of The Khan of Kalat
“I can not leave my country at this grave
hour. My ancestors have ruled over this country under the most adverse
conditions.’ Allah the All Mighty is my witness that I am offering my head
purely and sincerely in His way.’ Come what may I earnestly hope and pray to
him to bestow martyrdom upon me.”
Mir Mehrab Khan - 1839
Baloches did not want the English
forces to pass through Balochistan when Lord Keane and his army passed through
Kathi en-route to Afghanistan.
The Baloches generally, and Bugtis, Marris, Dombkis and Jakharani’s in particularly,
fought many furious battles against the British Army from Shikarpur to the
mouth of Bolan Pass; and from Larkana, Jacobabad and Dirjat in Punjab causing
heavy losses of life and baggage to the British forces. In 1839 whilst on their
way to Afghanistan
the British authorities alleged that Mir Mehrab Khan was responsible for such
losses caused by the Baloch tribes and decided to ‘sort him out.’
Thus in April 1839 a well-equipped army
under Sir John Keen attacked Kalat and murdered Mir Mehrab Khan with his 300
followers. It was believed he had 13 bullet wounds and many sword cuts all over
his body. The Baloch militants all over Balochistan, right from Jahalawan to
Sarawan and from the frontier of Sind including
the Hill tribes, mobilised themselves for battle against British forces and
declared an open war against the British. From 1839 till 1947 many battles were
fought against the British where thousands and thousands of men were killed
including heavy loss of properties of
both parties. The railway lines of Jacobabad-Bolan-Quetta, Harnai-Sibi and
Loralai-Sibi-Bolan were attacked and damaged. Battles that ensued include,
inter alia;
1)
The 1st Hill
Campaign, under Major Billamore’ in 1839-40, against Bugtis, Marris, Jakharanis
and Dombakis.
2)
The battles of Nafusk and Sartaf Passes.
3)
The 2nd Hill
Campaign, under Sir Charles Napier in 1845 against Bugtis.
4)
The Battle of Zammini River in
1847 between Bugtis and British forces.
5)
The settlements of Bugtis in
Larkana in 1847.
6)
The raid of Harrand in 1867.
7)
The Expedition against Marris
in 1857, with 8000 British soldiers supported by Field guns and Forces of khan
of Kalat.
8)
Kuchali Raid in 1880.
9)
Battle of Gunbaz during 1918,
in Duki and Harap near Mawaud where the army first used bomber aircrafts.
.
Suffice it to say that neither Major Biltmore, John Jacob, Sir Charles
Napier nor Fort Sandmen ever solved the problems of
Balochistan by either the bullet or bullying the Baloch. Finally the British
left the Sub-Continent of India
leaving Baloches as victor’s in Balochistan.
Pakistan and Balochistan.
(a) Merger of Kalat with Pakistan.
As per Mir Ghous Bux Bizengo in December1947
wherefore he stated “We have a distant
culture like Afghanistan and Iran, and if the mere fact that we are Muslims
requires to amalgate with Pakistan, then, Iran and Afghanistan should also be
amalgate with Pakistan”.
He then demanded “The newly independent Pakistan should treat us as
Sovereign people; we are ready to extend friendship. But if Pakistan did not do so, they would
be forced to accept this fate, some thing that would fly in the face of
democratic principle.” He further warned, “Every
Baloch will fight for freedom”.
Beside the above declaration of Mir Sahib on the floor of the assembly
of Kalat State
in 1947, the Pakistan
authorities kept on bullying and causing panic and fear to the people of
Balochistan. Under uncompromising and unending circumstances Mir Ahmed Yar
Khan, then the Khan of Kalat, in his own personal capacity signed the documents
of merger of Kalat with the Pakistan
on 30th of March 1948 without the consent of the people of
Balochistan. Just after two weeks, on 14th 0f April 1948, the
Pakistan Army entered into Kalat. The next day, the Agent to the
Governor-General informed the Khan that it has been decided to maintain as ‘Status
Quo Ante’ in Kalat, in the meantime a political Agent was appointed to look
after the administration of Kalat. On the same day the Kalat Assembly was
dissolved. Thus the legal positing of Khan of Kalat came to an end after about
430 years rule.
On 15th April 1948 Prince
Abdul Karim, the younger brother of Khan of Kalat, revolted and crossed the
border of Afghanistan along with about 700 Baloch militants and declared war
against the government of Pakistan.
“The
showdown between Kalat and Pakistan
came on April 1st 1948 when the Pakistan Army ordered its Garrison
Commander in Balochistan to march on Kalat and arrest the Khan unless he signed
an agreement of accession. The Khan capitulated, but his younger brother Prince
Abdul Karim, who was governor of the newly annexed Baloch principality of
Makaran, gathered the arms, ammunition and treasury funds under his control and
declared a revolt against Pakistan.
After leading some 700 followers across the border into Afghanistan, Abdul Karim issued a
manifesto in the name of Baloch National Liberation Committee.”
As per Seling. S. Harison;
The Afghanistan
Shadow. pg. 25
Many people were killed and arrested during the clashes between the
followers of the Prince and Pakistan
forces. However, the Prince returned on 6th July 1948 from Afghanistan after a peaceful negotiation between
him and the Pakistan
authorities. But soon after his arrival he was arrested by the Pakistan
military officials in Kalat and tried in Special Military Court. He was sentenced to
a lengthy imprisonment with heavy fines along with some of his followers.
This was the first
round of battles which was fought between the Baloch warriors and the Pakistan
Army in 1948.
(b) One-Unit.
The Baloch have a
history within the geography known as Balochistan of nearly 500 years, which is
now incorporated into Pakistan
as the largest province. The Baloch never believed that Balochistan was merely
a State, as in their hearts and mind it was, is and shall always remain as an
institution of Balochi culture and ideology.
Since the very first day of the formation
of ‘One-Unit’ in 1954 the Baloch people opposed it for many reasons, however
the strongest burning issue for the Baloch nation was the reduction in their
autonomy. This is evident from subsequent legislation and particularly by
virtue of Section 2 (i)(III) of the establishment of West Pakistan Act, 1955
‘the territory of Balochistan States Union with the leased areas were
incorporated into the province
of West Pakistan
effective from 14.10. 1955’.
No doubt One-Unit
was conceived, implemented and enforced illegally against the wishes of the
people of Balochistan. During the period of One-Unit, Balochistan had been
treated very savagely and cruelly irrespective of class; they were detained in
different jails and thousands were tortured. It was for the first time that the
Baloches were hanged to death and millions in value of property were destroyed
and incalculable tribesmen endured great hardships and loss of life.
On 6th
October 1958, the Pakistan Army entered into Kalat and arrested Mir Ahmad Yar
Khan, then the Khan of Kalat, and paraded him on the roads and streets of Kalat.
His palace was looted and the innocent people of Kalat were killed and arrested
by the ‘Army Jawans’. Khan was
imprisoned in jail in Lahore and his family
exiled in Punjab. The next day on 7th
October 1958 Martial Law was imposed throughout Pakistan. The following day General
Ayub Khan took power declaring himself as the Martial Law Administrator of
Pakistan.
Soon after the arrest of the Khan the Martial authorities warned ‘not to
take a part in any sort of activity against the government’ and ordered ‘to
deposit all sorts of their weapons in the nearest police stations, failing
which they would be dealt with severity’. Naturally, the proud Baloches refused
to comply with these orders. On the 8th October 1948 the Pakistan
Army marched on Jhalawan. On the 10th a furious battle took place
near Wad between the Pakistan
army and Baloch fighters.
Meanwhile the ninety year old Nawab
Nauroz Khan along with his hard-liner fighters went on top of the hill called
Mir Gat and challenged the army and vowed to continue to fight throughout every
inch of Balochistan unless;
1)
Khan of Kalat is released,
2)
Restoration of the traditional
Baloch customary law.
3)
Exemption from the Land Reform.
The Pakistan government did not accept
the above demands and battles continued for a long time, in which, thousands of
Baloch were killed and many villages were bombed. It is interesting to note
that when the army operation failed against Nawab Nauroz Khan, the Martial Law
Authorities in order to cover-up the failure of military operation then changed
their tactics and finally invited him for a peaceful solution through dialogue.
It was said that at one stage the negotiating Sardars backed out on the grounds
that they were not trustful of the government. However, it was believed that
all his demands were agreed to and the guarantee was given on oath on the name
of the Holy Qur’an. As soon as he came down the hill the army officials
arrested him, his son and others on 19th of May 1959. All of them
were detained in Kuli Camp in Quetta.
The version that
the Nawab Nauroz Khan’s surrendered on ‘Oath’, ‘Etabar’ or ‘Trust’ has always
remained under dispute. In support of the claim of the Baloch people it would
not be out of place to quote;
“In
my search for truth I have talked to many people who should know something about
this unhappy incident. All civilian officials concerned with it in one way or
other were men of great experience in dealing ‘politically’ with tribesmen,
Baluch as well as Pathan. Only recently, and by accident, did I hear from a
senior official that although he was not himself concerned, he had met a man
who, on all evidence, was the man who
had actually negotiated the surrender of Nauroz Khan. According to this man,
Nauroz Khan surrendered on etabar
and nothing else. Whether the ‘etabar’
was promised by the Government or
by a negotiator on his own is immaterial as once given, the terms ought to have
been strictly adhered to. It is also immaterial whether the etabar was given on oath or merely by
word of mouth. Both carry equal weight.”
Baluchistan-Historical
& Political Processes; A. B. Awan.’ pg. 30
The
total inmates of the camp numbering about 1200 comprised of Sardars and people
from all classes, from highest to lowest. They were all tortured beyond
toleration. Many of them died and some of them were mentally and bodily
paralysed. By the end of March 1960 the Military Court sentenced some of the
comrades of Nawab Nauroz Khan for life. He and his son and another five
followers were sentenced to death. Among who hanged in Hyderabad and Sukkur jails were his son and Mir
Nichari, Mir Wali Mohammad Khan Zarakzai, Mir Ghulam Rasool Khan and Mir Subzal
Khan Zehri. In view of his old age his
death sentence was commuted to life imprisonment where he died in 1964 still in
jail.
After the arrest of the Khan of Kalat, particularly the death sentences
and the imprisonments of Nawab Nauroz Khan and his comrades was the beginning
of intense disquiet and anti-government sentiment moved at a dangerous pace; There
was great turmoil in Balochistan and much death and destruction on both sides,
that is to say, losses for the Baloch as well as the army jawans. The situation
was dire in both East and West Pakistan, to
which the addition of Balochistan tensions concluded in mass demonstrations,
thus Central government collapsing in 1969.
This was the
second round of battles fought between Baloches and the Government of Pakistan
which came to an end with a general amnesty in 1967.
(c) 1973 - 1977
From 1973 to 1977 the
Government of Pakistan carried out numerous military operations in Balochistan resulting
in many casualties; the official figure being more than 3,000 Baloch. Approximately 80,000 army troops and 55,000
Baloches were involved in a full-fledged battle. There were many who were hounded,
arrested and even tortured including Mir Ghaus Bux Bizengo, Nawab Khair Bux
khan Marri, Sardar Atta-u-allah Khan Mengal and other notable Baloch
politicians and political workers.
“Largely un-noticed by the
out side world, the struggle between Islamabad
and the tribesmen grew in ferocity over the next years. More than 80,000
Pakistani troops roamed the province at the height of the war.”
Selg. S. Harrison.
pg. 36
“At the height of the fighting in late 1974
the U.S. supplied Iranian combat
helicopters, some manned by Iranian pilots, joined the Pakistan Air Force
in raids on Baloch camps.”
ibid. pg. 37
“
Army accounts claim that 125 guerrillas were killed 900 captured and
independent estimates suggest that at least 50,000 sheep and 550 camels were
captured at ‘Chamalung’ and auctioned off by the army at bargain prices to non
Baloch in Punjab.”
ibid. pg. 37
“One
usually dramatic example of Baloch heroism in the face of army excesses
occurred in August 1973 soon after the fighting started and immediately became
as well known to Baloch as the ‘Nathan Hale’ story is to America…. men and
women alike were roughly lined up in the village square. Shoot outs occurred
with those who resisted.”
Ibid. pg. 39
“There was much fighting,
much damage and unfortunately much bitterness.” He added, “This understandably
did not find any mention in Pakistani press but many foreign journalists have
described it in all its sordid details.”
A. B. Awan; Balochistan-Historical and Political
Processes. pg. 302
This was the third
round of battles fought between the Baloches and the Government of Pakistan.
Issue of Gwadar and Sui Gas
Gwadar
In
1984, Mumtaz Ali Bhutto said that “Gwadar
is a no go area for Pakistani’s due to a U.S. base there to fight ‘Infidel U.S.S.R.’
while helping General Zia and Afghan Rogues:”
The above claim about a U.S. Base came to be true in 2005. According
to the Late Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti, “Gwadar
was being developed by Pakistan
to give facilities to the biggest American Naval Fleet. For this the entire
coastal land stretching 40 miles inland would be separated from Balochistan and
given to Americans who will control oil trade in the region and keep Iran under
challenge.” He added “His party would co-operate with any other
that planned to fight for the return of the Baloch territory from the United States”.
Through a base in
Balochistan, the United States
was to establish its contacts with the Central Asian States struggling to shrug
off the oppressive foreign policy yoke
of Russia.
From here the Americans would control the movement of oil and international
shipping and ‘all other trade’ in addition to challenge Iran. Furthermore he stated that,
“China whose
company has been given ‘out-of-turn’ contracts by Pakistan to develop a deep-sea port
at Gwadar”…..“China
is merely a ‘contractor’ and will collect its money and quietly step aside
after the port is complete to allow the Americans to take over. China is not in a position to take, ‘takkar’
(clash) with the United States;
it could not even liberate next-door Taiwan from the Americans. It was
merely interested in strengthening itself economically and had no stomach for
war.”
“We will like to engage the best experts to construct the Gwadar
port and to run it and manage it and give them the best salary packages”
........ “We
will certainly not allow outsiders to purchase property in Gwadar or in any
part of Balochistan.”
As per Sardar Aslam Khan Raisani; 1994.
It
begs the question of what shall become of the billions spent by private
investors and the government on the port city of Gwadar if the unrest in Balochistan is not
settled to the satisfaction of the Baloch? However, as a Baloch I must ask if
we as a people, known as the Baloch which hail from Balochistan, shall mind if
such an event occurs (as no doubt it shall); the answer is quite simple as the
Baloch have never really benefited from Gwadar, thus shall not lose anything
either if the whole project sinks into the sea.
The Baloch do have
a legitimate fear as seen in their history that Gwadar will of course draw many
settlers from other provinces (especially from Punjab), and as a consequence the
Baloch will one day become an underclass minority in their own lands. As per a western
diplomat whom said, “right now it’s a low-intensity insurgency, but it could
get very nasty”. One can see that the unrest, especially after the suspicious
death of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti, in Balochistan and the rights of the Baloch
should be appreciated.
Sui Gas
Michael Conton first discovered natural
gas literally by accident in 1952 at Sui in the Bugti area. His company was
exploring for oil, but after this fortuitous find the term ‘Sui Gas’ was first
coined. Soon after this the gas pumped from Balochistan was first supplied to numerous
parts of Punjab. In 1984 only after years of
protests that supply of gas began in Quetta, the
capital of the province
of Balochistan. Sui was
the first and is still the largest field in Asia.
It is interesting to note that Pakistan’s
major electrical and thermal power generating plants are fuelled by the gas
from the Bugti gas fields. This is in addition to domestic use and large
proportion of private industries. There is no doubt that Sui gas is of
essential importance to the national economy of Pakistan. It is, however, very sad
to mention that not only the house of the writer (being Bugti), but entire
village is still without the supply of gas in 2006 whereas, 99% of Punjabi
households are supplied with Sui gas pumped from the lands of the Bugti’s.
In the 1920’s the Bugti’s had an agreement with the British Oil
Company with respect to any royalties that may accrue from oil found in their
lands, but after partition the government of Pakistan (prior, to the
development of the field at Sui) passed legislation effectively deeming any
resources more than the two inches below the surface of the soil being the sole
property of Pakistan, rather than to those who own the land. It is a bitter
fact that unlike the fortunate inhabitants of many Middle East Countries, the
Bugti’s as a whole do not receive a single paisa as royalties from the
production of natural gas in their own area.
Since the discovery of the gas the same issues have consistently
been at the centre of dispute by the Baloch nationalist, and Baloch political
leaders between the centre and provinces. It is important to note that the fact
that the assuring its supply was one of the central government’s seven
conditions which Mir Ghous Bux Bezinjo had to agree to, when he was appointed
as governor of Balochistan in 1972. At issue was (1) the distribution of the
gas and (2) the revenues from its
sale.
The provincial government does, off course, receive income from the
sale of the gas from Baluchistan, however, and
the amount it receives is constantly under contention. The late Nawab Akber
Khan Bugti) during the tenure as Chief Minister Nawab Bugti demanded a greater
share of Pakistan’s development funds, of which income from sales of natural
gas is a major block. Unlike his predecessors, he was allied with the Chief
Minister of Punjab, Nawaz Sharif, in his
efforts to lobby the federal government. When Nawaz Sharif became Prime
Minister of Pakistan in 1990, the National Finance Commission re-wrote the
formula for the distribution of tax revenues between the centre and the
provinces. Prior to that, the province received royalties and excise tax
revenues for its natural gas that were low by international standards.
“Every one is after national
wealth, our Baloch national wealth. We don’t get anything out of it, it is ours……..We have
been struggling for the past 50 years for our rights and for this purpose we
have suffered hunger, hardships and imprisonment. Because of our struggle and
privations we have become more, hardy as a people, and we will face any eventuality
to stand for our rights…We have never demand royalty because we are the owners
of this wealth. More over, it is not the question of royalty, but the main
dispute is over rights. We say that gas is the national wealth of the Baloch,
and for years it has been forcibly taken out for the use of others, without
sharing any thing with the Baloch people”
Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti; February 2003
Present Crisis
Rape of a Lady Doctor in 2005
It is said that the cause of the present crisis was the rape of a lady
doctor by Captain Imdad in early January 2005 in the local hospital of the
Pakistan Petroleum Limited (PPL). Under the threat and influence by the
security guards, the Sui police station was unable to interrogate two doctors
of the Sui hospital in connection with the rape case. It was then reported by a
private television channel that evening. The next day, on the fourth day of Eid,
it was partially published in the newspapers. In the mean time the Naseerabad
police station registered the rape case soon after it was made public at the
press conference in the first week of January 2005. The Naseerabad police
station’s FIR pinpoints P.P.L Officials who were interfering with the
investigation of the case
After the rape and
an unreasonable delay in the investigation the situation took a downward spiral
in Sui. It was said that as many as 450 to 500 rockets were fired between 7th
and 11th January. Security guards clashed with Bugti armed men who
attacked the gas installations. The exchange of fire in Sui gave the much
needed justification to the security forces. It is believed 7000 regular troops
aided by the Frontier Constabulary and Defence Security Guards carried out
house-to-house searches by demolishing many homes and arresting more than 200
persons and killing many. The house of the Late Nawab was shelled. More than 70
people were killed in Dera Bugti in March
2005, this time among them were children women and some Hindus.
Violence
Between Nawab Bugti and General Musharraf Flared Up
General Musharraf’s televised interview in January 2006 added fuel to the fire and the situation apparently
went out of the control. The conflict diverted Musharraf’s overstretched troops
and U.S supplied weaponry away from the fight against Al-Qaeeda and the
Taliban. Moreover, the Presidents’ aide’s say that he is convinced Nawab Bugti
and fellow tribal leaders whom he labels “miscreants and outlaws,” want to kill
him. A rocket attack on December 14th 2005 in Balochistan narrowly
missed a public address he was making. The fight flared immediately after Musharraf,
vowed he will “sort them out”
“I will lead the resistance fight if any military action in Sui” as per
Nawab Bugti
July 2006 saw at least
23 tribal militants killed in an offensive by Pakistani security forces in
South Western Balochistan, the second such attack in less than a week. Troops
backed by helicopter gun-ships launched the operation in Sangsilla and Bamboore
areas of the Dera Bugti district. “At
least 21 miscreants have been killed and 13 have been wounded” as per provincial
government spokesman Razik Bugti.
The Daily News Jang, July 10th 2006
President Bush
once said, following the September 2001 attacks with respect to Al-Qaeeda “We are going to smoke them out of their
caves.” Indeed President Pervez Musharraf did smoke, or more accurately, snuff
out Nawab Bugti rather than Bin Laden or Mullah Omar and instead in the caves
of Kolhu. It is widely being believed that General Pervez Musharraf used
chemical weapons as well as helicopter gun-ships and missiles with Nawab Akber
Bugti being present in the cave where he was killed on 26th of
August 2006. Many people have no doubt that he was executed by General Pervez
Musharraf, the President of Pakistan.
This was the
fourth round of battle was fought between the Baloches and the government of Pakistan and
unfortunately may still continue.
Conclusion
The
reality is that a major political figure (and tribal chief) of Pakistan’s largest
and richest natural resource filled province was killed by the government in
most questionable circumstances. People by and large from all over Pakistan were
disgusted with this act. The government is not in the business of “teaching a
lesson” to those it governs.
No
lessons have been learnt in Balochistan. One can’t “sort out” the Baloch. The
absence of a serious attempt at political dialogue with the leaders of the
Baloch insurgency signals the intentions of the government. The bottom line is,
will the killing of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti have wider implications on the
politics of Pakistan
and the region? The answer is a resounding yes.
The
government has to be sensitive to nationalist emotion. We have been thrust into
another national crisis, mostly because of a newly created ‘Martyr’, but also partly due to the
shortcomings of our rulers in not being sensitive to the needs of a small but
vibrant section of our population. Have we learnt nothing from 1971?
The problems of Balochistan will
not end with the killing of Nawab Akber Khan Bugti, nor with thousands and
thousands of Baloch nationalists; rather killing could harm national integrity
and solidarity. It appears that our rulers have not learnt any lessons from
history. Bullets and Bullies don’t solve problems; they just create more problems.
“The Punjabi army hangs or kills non-Punjabi
Prime Ministers, like Shaheed Liaqat Ali Khan or Shaheed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto”
Nawab replied when he was asked why he does not play in national instead of
provincial politics? He was further told that he would make a good President of
Pakistan, he replied that he had “no
intention of being a quisling of the army, while his province remained backward.”
A private ‘gup-shup’
History is witness that right from the
death of Mehrab Khan in 1939 by the hands of British Generals to the present
that all Generals with their ‘bullets’ failed to solve the problems of
Balochistan. We the Baloches equally regard Pakistan as our own creation. We
have given great sacrifices for the cause of Pakistan,
and we are fully aware of the fact that our rights are safe in a happy and
strong Pakistan.
It is however painful to say that the despite our services and sacrifice resulting
in the establishment of Pakistan,
we the Baloches, were misunderstood and looked upon with suspicion. We were put
to hard tests and our sincerity came out with the flying colours. Not a single
Baloch left Pakistan, nor
went over to the enemies of Pakistan,
at the same time, the Baloches will never cow-down to any one.
“Now our options are clear,
resist and die or die without resisting. The people have chosen the former”
Nawab
Akbar Bugti; Herald, March 2006
