Monday, 19 September 2011

Bullets and Bullies


BULLET’S and BULLIE’S
Under courtesy;  Mr. Johar Bugtti and Prof. Zaffar Bugtti – London

British and Baloches - Murder of The Khan of Kalat
         
      “I can not leave my country at this grave hour. My ancestors have ruled over this country under the most adverse conditions.’ Allah the All Mighty is my witness that I am offering my head purely and sincerely in His way.’ Come what may I earnestly hope and pray to him to bestow martyrdom upon me.”
 Mir Mehrab Khan - 1839

        Baloches did not want the English forces to pass through Balochistan when Lord Keane and his army passed through Kathi en-route to Afghanistan. The Baloches generally, and Bugtis, Marris, Dombkis and Jakharani’s in particularly, fought many furious battles against the British Army from Shikarpur to the mouth of Bolan Pass; and from Larkana, Jacobabad and Dirjat in Punjab causing heavy losses of life and baggage to the British forces. In 1839 whilst on their way to Afghanistan the British authorities alleged that Mir Mehrab Khan was responsible for such losses caused by the Baloch tribes and decided to ‘sort him out.’
                    
     Thus in April 1839 a well-equipped army under Sir John Keen attacked Kalat and murdered Mir Mehrab Khan with his 300 followers. It was believed he had 13 bullet wounds and many sword cuts all over his body. The Baloch militants all over Balochistan, right from Jahalawan to Sarawan and from the frontier of Sind including the Hill tribes, mobilised themselves for battle against British forces and declared an open war against the British. From 1839 till 1947 many battles were fought against the British where thousands and thousands of men were killed including heavy   loss of properties of both parties. The railway lines of Jacobabad-Bolan-Quetta, Harnai-Sibi and Loralai-Sibi-Bolan were attacked and damaged. Battles that ensued include, inter alia;
1)      The 1st Hill Campaign, under Major Billamore’ in 1839-40, against Bugtis, Marris, Jakharanis and Dombakis.
2)      The battles of Nafusk and Sartaf Passes.
3)      The 2nd Hill Campaign, under Sir Charles Napier in 1845 against Bugtis.
4)      The Battle of Zammini River in 1847 between Bugtis and British forces.
5)      The settlements of Bugtis in Larkana in 1847.
6)      The raid of Harrand in 1867.
7)      The Expedition against Marris in 1857, with 8000 British soldiers supported by Field guns and Forces of khan of Kalat.
8)      Kuchali Raid in 1880.
9)      Battle of Gunbaz during 1918, in Duki and Harap near Mawaud where the army first used bomber aircrafts.

 .       Suffice it to say that neither Major Biltmore, John Jacob, Sir Charles Napier nor Fort Sandmen ever solved the problems of Balochistan by either the bullet or bullying the Baloch. Finally the British left the Sub-Continent of India leaving Baloches as victor’s in Balochistan.
     

Pakistan and Balochistan.

(a) Merger of Kalat with Pakistan.
              As per Mir Ghous Bux Bizengo in December1947 wherefore he stated “We have a distant culture like Afghanistan and Iran, and if the mere fact that we are Muslims requires to amalgate with Pakistan, then, Iran and Afghanistan should also be amalgate with Pakistan”.
He then demanded “The newly independent Pakistan should treat us as Sovereign people; we are ready to extend friendship. But if Pakistan did not do so, they would be forced to accept this fate, some thing that would fly in the face of democratic principle.”  He further warned, “Every Baloch will fight for freedom”.

          Beside the above declaration of Mir Sahib on the floor of the assembly of Kalat State in 1947, the Pakistan authorities kept on bullying and causing panic and fear to the people of Balochistan. Under uncompromising and unending circumstances Mir Ahmed Yar Khan, then the Khan of Kalat, in his own personal capacity signed the documents of merger of Kalat with the Pakistan on 30th of March 1948 without the consent of the people of Balochistan. Just after two weeks, on 14th 0f April 1948, the Pakistan Army entered into Kalat. The next day, the Agent to the Governor-General informed the Khan that it has been decided to maintain as ‘Status Quo Ante’ in Kalat, in the meantime a political Agent was appointed to look after the administration of Kalat. On the same day the Kalat Assembly was dissolved. Thus the legal positing of Khan of Kalat came to an end after about 430 years rule.
               On 15th April 1948 Prince Abdul Karim, the younger brother of Khan of Kalat, revolted and crossed the border of Afghanistan along with about 700 Baloch militants and declared war against the government of Pakistan.          

 “The showdown between Kalat and Pakistan came on April 1st 1948 when the Pakistan Army ordered its Garrison Commander in Balochistan to march on Kalat and arrest the Khan unless he signed an agreement of accession. The Khan capitulated, but his younger brother Prince Abdul Karim, who was governor of the newly annexed Baloch principality of Makaran, gathered the arms, ammunition and treasury funds under his control and declared a revolt against Pakistan. After leading some 700 followers across the border into Afghanistan, Abdul Karim issued a manifesto in the name of Baloch National Liberation Committee.”
As per Seling. S. Harison; The Afghanistan Shadow. pg. 25

            Many people were killed and arrested during the clashes between the followers of the Prince and Pakistan forces. However, the Prince returned on 6th July 1948 from Afghanistan after a peaceful negotiation between him and the Pakistan authorities. But soon after his arrival he was arrested by the Pakistan military officials in Kalat and tried in Special Military Court. He was sentenced to a lengthy imprisonment with heavy fines along with some of his followers.
          
This was the first round of battles which was fought between the Baloch warriors and the Pakistan Army in 1948.

(b) One-Unit.
The Baloch have a history within the geography known as Balochistan of nearly 500 years, which is now incorporated into Pakistan as the largest province. The Baloch never believed that Balochistan was merely a State, as in their hearts and mind it was, is and shall always remain as an institution of Balochi culture and ideology.
    Since the very first day of the formation of ‘One-Unit’ in 1954 the Baloch people opposed it for many reasons, however the strongest burning issue for the Baloch nation was the reduction in their autonomy. This is evident from subsequent legislation and particularly by virtue of Section 2 (i)(III) of the establishment of West Pakistan Act, 1955 ‘the territory of Balochistan States Union with the leased areas were incorporated into the province of West Pakistan effective from 14.10. 1955’.
No doubt One-Unit was conceived, implemented and enforced illegally against the wishes of the people of Balochistan. During the period of One-Unit, Balochistan had been treated very savagely and cruelly irrespective of class; they were detained in different jails and thousands were tortured. It was for the first time that the Baloches were hanged to death and millions in value of property were destroyed and incalculable tribesmen endured great hardships and loss of life.       

On 6th October 1958, the Pakistan Army entered into Kalat and arrested Mir Ahmad Yar Khan, then the Khan of Kalat, and paraded him on the roads and streets of Kalat. His palace was looted and the innocent people of Kalat were killed and arrested
by the ‘Army Jawans’. Khan was imprisoned in jail in Lahore and his family exiled in Punjab. The next day on 7th October 1958 Martial Law was imposed throughout Pakistan. The following day General Ayub Khan took power declaring himself as the Martial Law Administrator of Pakistan.
             Soon after the arrest of the Khan the Martial authorities warned ‘not to take a part in any sort of activity against the government’ and ordered ‘to deposit all sorts of their weapons in the nearest police stations, failing which they would be dealt with severity’. Naturally, the proud Baloches refused to comply with these orders. On the 8th October 1948 the Pakistan Army marched on Jhalawan. On the 10th a furious battle took place near Wad between the Pakistan army and Baloch fighters.
       Meanwhile the ninety year old Nawab Nauroz Khan along with his hard-liner fighters went on top of the hill called Mir Gat and challenged the army and vowed to continue to fight throughout every inch of Balochistan unless;
1)      Khan of Kalat is released,
2)      Restoration of the traditional Baloch customary law.
3)      Exemption from the Land Reform.

            The Pakistan government did not accept the above demands and battles continued for a long time, in which, thousands of Baloch were killed and many villages were bombed. It is interesting to note that when the army operation failed against Nawab Nauroz Khan, the Martial Law Authorities in order to cover-up the failure of military operation then changed their tactics and finally invited him for a peaceful solution through dialogue. It was said that at one stage the negotiating Sardars backed out on the grounds that they were not trustful of the government. However, it was believed that all his demands were agreed to and the guarantee was given on oath on the name of the Holy Qur’an. As soon as he came down the hill the army officials arrested him, his son and others on 19th of May 1959. All of them were detained in Kuli Camp in Quetta.
The version that the Nawab Nauroz Khan’s surrendered on ‘Oath’, ‘Etabar’ or ‘Trust’ has always remained under dispute. In support of the claim of the Baloch people it would not be out of place to quote;

      “In my search for truth I have talked to many people who should know something about this unhappy incident. All civilian officials concerned with it in one way or other were men of great experience in dealing ‘politically’ with tribesmen, Baluch as well as Pathan. Only recently, and by accident, did I hear from a senior official that although he was not himself concerned, he had met a man who, on all evidence, was  the man who had actually negotiated the surrender of Nauroz Khan. According to this man, Nauroz Khan surrendered on etabar and nothing else. Whether the ‘etabar’  was promised by the Government or by a negotiator on his own is immaterial as once given, the terms ought to have been strictly adhered to. It is also immaterial whether the etabar was given on oath or merely by word of mouth. Both carry equal weight.”
Baluchistan-Historical & Political Processes; A. B. Awan.’ pg. 30
         
            The total inmates of the camp numbering about 1200 comprised of Sardars and people from all classes, from highest to lowest. They were all tortured beyond toleration. Many of them died and some of them were mentally and bodily paralysed. By the end of March 1960 the Military Court sentenced some of the comrades of Nawab Nauroz Khan for life. He and his son and another five followers were sentenced to death. Among who hanged in Hyderabad and Sukkur jails were his son and Mir Nichari, Mir Wali Mohammad Khan Zarakzai, Mir Ghulam Rasool Khan and Mir Subzal Khan Zehri.  In view of his old age his death sentence was commuted to life imprisonment where he died in 1964 still in jail.
         After the arrest of the Khan of Kalat, particularly the death sentences and the imprisonments of Nawab Nauroz Khan and his comrades was the beginning of intense disquiet and anti-government sentiment moved at a dangerous pace; There was great turmoil in Balochistan and much death and destruction on both sides, that is to say, losses for the Baloch as well as the army jawans. The situation was dire in both East and West Pakistan, to which the addition of Balochistan tensions concluded in mass demonstrations, thus Central government collapsing in 1969.
        
This was the second round of battles fought between Baloches and the Government of Pakistan which came to an end with a general amnesty in 1967.

(c) 1973 - 1977
From 1973 to 1977 the Government of Pakistan carried out numerous military operations in Balochistan resulting in many casualties; the official figure being more than 3,000 Baloch.  Approximately 80,000 army troops and 55,000 Baloches were involved in a full-fledged battle. There were many who were hounded, arrested and even tortured including Mir Ghaus Bux Bizengo, Nawab Khair Bux khan Marri, Sardar Atta-u-allah Khan Mengal and other notable Baloch politicians and political workers.

 “Largely un-noticed by the out side world, the struggle between Islamabad and the tribesmen grew in ferocity over the next years. More than 80,000 Pakistani troops roamed the province at the height of the war.”
Selg. S. Harrison.  pg. 36
         
             “At the height of the fighting in late 1974 the U.S. supplied Iranian combat helicopters, some manned by Iranian pilots, joined the Pakistan Air Force in raids on Baloch camps.”
ibid. pg. 37

            “ Army accounts claim that 125 guerrillas were killed 900 captured and independent estimates suggest that at least 50,000 sheep and 550 camels were captured at ‘Chamalung’ and auctioned off by the army at bargain prices to non Baloch in Punjab.”
ibid. pg. 37

            “One usually dramatic example of Baloch heroism in the face of army excesses occurred in August 1973 soon after the fighting started and immediately became as well known to Baloch as the ‘Nathan Hale’ story is to America…. men and women alike were roughly lined up in the village square. Shoot outs occurred with those who resisted.”
Ibid. pg. 39

 “There was much fighting, much damage and unfortunately much bitterness.” He added, “This understandably did not find any mention in Pakistani press but many foreign journalists have described it in all its sordid details.”
 A. B. Awan;  Balochistan-Historical and Political Processes. pg. 302

This was the third round of battles fought between the Baloches and the Government of Pakistan.

      

Issue of Gwadar and Sui Gas
Gwadar
            In 1984, Mumtaz Ali Bhutto said that “Gwadar is a no go area for Pakistani’s due to a U.S. base there to fight ‘Infidel U.S.S.R.’ while helping General Zia and Afghan Rogues:”
The above claim about a U.S. Base came to be true in 2005. According to the Late Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti, “Gwadar was being developed by Pakistan to give facilities to the biggest American Naval Fleet. For this the entire coastal land stretching 40 miles inland would be separated from Balochistan and given to Americans who will control oil trade in the region and keep Iran under challenge.”          He added “His party would co-operate with any other that planned to fight for the return of the Baloch territory from the United States”.
     
Through a base in Balochistan, the United States was to establish its contacts with the Central Asian States struggling to shrug off the oppressive foreign policy   yoke of Russia. From here the Americans would control the movement of oil and international shipping and ‘all other trade’ in addition to challenge Iran. Furthermore he stated that,
“China whose company has been given ‘out-of-turn’ contracts by Pakistan to develop a deep-sea port at Gwadar”…..“China is merely a ‘contractor’ and will collect its money and quietly step aside after the port is complete to allow the Americans to take over. China is not in a position to take, ‘takkar’ (clash) with the United States; it could not even liberate next-door Taiwan from the Americans. It was merely interested in strengthening itself economically and had no stomach for war.” 

“We will like to engage the best experts to construct the Gwadar port and to run it and manage it and give them the best salary packages” ........ “We will certainly not allow outsiders to purchase property in Gwadar or in any part of   Balochistan.”
As per Sardar Aslam Khan Raisani; 1994.

            It begs the question of what shall become of the billions spent by private investors and the government on the port city of Gwadar if the unrest in Balochistan is not settled to the satisfaction of the Baloch? However, as a Baloch I must ask if we as a people, known as the Baloch which hail from Balochistan, shall mind if such an event occurs (as no doubt it shall); the answer is quite simple as the Baloch have never really benefited from Gwadar, thus shall not lose anything either if the whole project sinks into the sea.
The Baloch do have a legitimate fear as seen in their history that Gwadar will of course draw many settlers from other provinces (especially from Punjab), and as a consequence the Baloch will one day become an underclass minority in their own lands. As per a western diplomat whom said, “right now it’s a low-intensity insurgency, but it could get very nasty”. One can see that the unrest, especially after the suspicious death of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti, in Balochistan and the rights of the Baloch should be appreciated.

Sui Gas
            Michael Conton first discovered natural gas literally by accident in 1952 at Sui in the Bugti area. His company was exploring for oil, but after this fortuitous find the term ‘Sui Gas’ was first coined. Soon after this the gas pumped from Balochistan was first supplied to numerous parts of Punjab. In 1984 only after years of protests that supply of gas began in Quetta, the capital of the province of Balochistan. Sui was the first and is still the largest field in Asia. It is interesting to note that Pakistan’s major electrical and thermal power generating plants are fuelled by the gas from the Bugti gas fields. This is in addition to domestic use and large proportion of private industries. There is no doubt that Sui gas is of essential importance to the national economy of Pakistan. It is, however, very sad to mention that not only the house of the writer (being Bugti), but entire village is still without the supply of gas in 2006 whereas, 99% of Punjabi households are supplied with Sui gas pumped from the lands of the Bugti’s.  

In the 1920’s the Bugti’s had an agreement with the British Oil Company with respect to any royalties that may accrue from oil found in their lands, but after partition the government of Pakistan (prior, to the development of the field at Sui) passed legislation effectively deeming any resources more than the two inches below the surface of the soil being the sole property of Pakistan, rather than to those who own the land. It is a bitter fact that unlike the fortunate inhabitants of many Middle East Countries, the Bugti’s as a whole do not receive a single paisa as royalties from the production of natural gas in their own area.
Since the discovery of the gas the same issues have consistently been at the centre of dispute by the Baloch nationalist, and Baloch political leaders between the centre and provinces. It is important to note that the fact that the assuring its supply was one of the central government’s seven conditions which Mir Ghous Bux Bezinjo had to agree to, when he was appointed as governor of Balochistan in 1972. At issue was (1) the distribution of the gas and (2) the   revenues from its sale. 
The provincial government does, off course, receive income from the sale of the gas from Baluchistan, however, and the amount it receives is constantly under contention. The late Nawab Akber Khan Bugti) during the tenure as Chief Minister Nawab Bugti demanded a greater share of Pakistan’s development funds, of which income from sales of natural gas is a major block. Unlike his predecessors, he was allied with the Chief Minister of Punjab, Nawaz Sharif, in his efforts to lobby the federal government. When Nawaz Sharif became Prime Minister of Pakistan in 1990, the National Finance Commission re-wrote the formula for the distribution of tax revenues between the centre and the provinces. Prior to that, the province received royalties and excise tax revenues for its natural gas that were low by international standards.
             
         “Every one is after national wealth, our Baloch national wealth. We don’t get   anything out of it, it is ours……..We have been struggling for the past 50 years for our rights and for this purpose we have suffered hunger, hardships and imprisonment. Because of our struggle and privations we have become more, hardy as a people, and we will face any eventuality to stand for our rights…We have never demand royalty because we are the owners of this wealth. More over, it is not the question of royalty, but the main dispute is over rights. We say that gas is the national wealth of the Baloch, and for years it has been forcibly taken out for the use of others, without sharing any thing with the Baloch people”
Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti; February 2003

Present Crisis

Rape of a Lady Doctor in 2005
         It is said that the cause of the present crisis was the rape of a lady doctor by Captain Imdad in early January 2005 in the local hospital of the Pakistan Petroleum Limited (PPL). Under the threat and influence by the security guards, the Sui police station was unable to interrogate two doctors of the Sui hospital in connection with the rape case. It was then reported by a private television channel that evening. The next day, on the fourth day of Eid, it was partially published in the newspapers. In the mean time the Naseerabad police station registered the rape case soon after it was made public at the press conference in the first week of January 2005. The Naseerabad police station’s FIR pinpoints P.P.L Officials who were interfering with the investigation of the case
After the rape and an unreasonable delay in the investigation the situation took a downward spiral in Sui. It was said that as many as 450 to 500 rockets were fired between 7th and 11th January. Security guards clashed with Bugti armed men who attacked the gas installations. The exchange of fire in Sui gave the much needed justification to the security forces. It is believed 7000 regular troops aided by the Frontier Constabulary and Defence Security Guards carried out house-to-house searches by demolishing many homes and arresting more than 200 persons and killing many. The house of the Late Nawab was shelled. More than 70 people were killed in Dera Bugti in March 2005, this time among them were children women and some Hindus.

Violence Between Nawab Bugti and General Musharraf Flared Up
General Musharraf’s televised interview in January 2006 added fuel to the fire and the situation apparently went out of the control. The conflict diverted Musharraf’s overstretched troops and U.S supplied weaponry away from the fight against Al-Qaeeda and the Taliban. Moreover, the Presidents’ aide’s say that he is convinced Nawab Bugti and fellow tribal leaders whom he labels “miscreants and outlaws,” want to kill him. A rocket attack on December 14th 2005 in Balochistan narrowly missed a public address he was making. The fight flared immediately after Musharraf, vowed he will “sort them out”  
              
        “I will lead the resistance fight if any military action in Sui” as per Nawab Bugti

July 2006 saw at least 23 tribal militants killed in an offensive by Pakistani security forces in South Western Balochistan, the second such attack in less than a week. Troops backed by helicopter gun-ships launched the operation in Sangsilla and Bamboore areas of the Dera Bugti district. “At least 21 miscreants have been killed and 13 have been wounded” as per provincial government spokesman Razik Bugti.
The Daily News Jang, July 10th 2006

President Bush once said, following the September 2001 attacks with respect to Al-Qaeeda  “We are going to smoke them out of their caves.” Indeed President Pervez Musharraf did smoke, or more accurately, snuff out Nawab Bugti rather than Bin Laden or Mullah Omar and instead in the caves of Kolhu. It is widely being believed that General Pervez Musharraf used chemical weapons as well as helicopter gun-ships and missiles with Nawab Akber Bugti being present in the cave where he was killed on 26th of August 2006. Many people have no doubt that he was executed by General Pervez Musharraf, the President of Pakistan.

This was the fourth round of battle was fought between the Baloches and the government of Pakistan and unfortunately may still continue.

Conclusion
            The reality is that a major political figure (and tribal chief) of Pakistan’s largest and richest natural resource filled province was killed by the government in most questionable circumstances. People by and large from all over Pakistan were disgusted with this act. The government is not in the business of “teaching a lesson” to those it governs.
            No lessons have been learnt in Balochistan. One can’t “sort out” the Baloch. The absence of a serious attempt at political dialogue with the leaders of the Baloch insurgency signals the intentions of the government. The bottom line is, will the killing of Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti have wider implications on the politics of Pakistan and the region? The answer is a resounding yes.
            The government has to be sensitive to nationalist emotion. We have been thrust into another national crisis, mostly because of a newly created ‘Martyr’, but also partly due to the shortcomings of our rulers in not being sensitive to the needs of a small but vibrant section of our population. Have we learnt nothing from 1971?
            The problems of Balochistan will not end with the killing of Nawab Akber Khan Bugti, nor with thousands and thousands of Baloch nationalists; rather killing could harm national integrity and solidarity. It appears that our rulers have not learnt any lessons from history. Bullets and Bullies don’t solve problems; they just create more problems.

“The Punjabi army hangs or kills non-Punjabi Prime Ministers, like Shaheed Liaqat Ali Khan or Shaheed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto” Nawab replied when he was asked why he does not play in national instead of provincial politics? He was further told that he would make a good President of Pakistan, he replied that he had “no intention of being a quisling of the army, while his province remained backward.”
A private ‘gup-shup’

            History is witness that right from the death of Mehrab Khan in 1939 by the hands of British Generals to the present that all Generals with their ‘bullets’ failed to solve the problems of Balochistan. We the Baloches equally regard Pakistan as our own creation. We have given great sacrifices for the cause of Pakistan, and we are fully aware of the fact that our rights are safe in a happy and strong Pakistan. It is however painful to say that the despite our services and sacrifice resulting in the establishment of Pakistan, we the Baloches, were misunderstood and looked upon with suspicion. We were put to hard tests and our sincerity came out with the flying colours. Not a single Baloch left Pakistan, nor went over to the enemies of Pakistan, at the same time, the Baloches will never cow-down to any one. 
           
“Now our options are clear, resist and die or die without resisting. The people have chosen the former”
Nawab Akbar Bugti; Herald, March 2006







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